Sarah Updike Goddard: Colonial Woman of the Press

by John Dower


by Marilyn Harris

The Providence River during the colonial era. Courtesy of the John Carter Brown Library.

   Sarah Updike Goddard, although mentioned in, among others, Notable American Women, Rhode Island Founders from Settlement to Statehood, American National Biography and 18th Century American Women, as well as in numerous books and historical studies of colonial printing, has remained largely unknown. At a time when it was rare for women to be involved in business outside the home and late in her life, she became the second printer in Providence (the first being her son), and owner/editor of the Providence Gazette, a woman more than able to run a business on her own. Her devotion to the “mystick art of printing”i was second only to her devotion to family and friends. 

     Through both her mother and father, who were first cousins, Sarah traced her ancestry back to Richard Smith, Sr. and his wife, Johan. In the 1630s the Smiths brought five children to the New World, two sons and three daughters, including the two who would become Sarah’s grandmothers: Katherine Smith Updike and Joan Smith Newton. When Richard Smith, Jr. died without children in 1692, Smith Castle and their Cocumscussoc property passed to Katherine’s oldest son, Lodowick Updike, who had married Joan’s daughter Abigail Newton. 

     Sarah Updike Goddard was one of seven children born to Lodowick and Abigail (Newtown) Updike. At that time there was no official registry of birthdates. Estimated dates were often calculated from subsequent events. For example, The Op Dyck Genealogy probably assumed her position in the family (See Figure 1) because of the order in which the heirs were listed in both parents’ wills.ii

  Further, sources generally placed her year of birth “around” 1700, largely based on the fact that her well-known son William was verifiably born in 1740 and she was assumed not to have given birth much after the age of 40.iii 

     On the other hand, numerous sources referred to her having been educated with her brothers or by her older brothers’ tutors. However, using their given birthdates, they would have been well into their educations before she was even born; therefore, it is possible that she was born at least a few years earlier. In any case, Sarah’s roots were firmly buried in Rhode Island colonial history. 

     Growing up as a child in Smith’s Castle (or Updike Mansion as it came to be known), Sarah Updike was at the beginning of the Narragansett Plantation era, entering a world of wealth and privilege. In addition to her six siblings, Sarah was part of a large extended family, including the children of her married older brothers and sister, and numerous aunts and uncles with their own large families. There was probably no shortage of family events to attend in addition to opportunities to visit and be visited by other plantation families and to participate in Newport society. Like other young women of her social class, she was home- schooled, but “Sarah’s education included not only the subjects usual to the day but also French and Latin from tutors who lived in the Updike household.”iv 

     As was said of her brother’s education, “Such an education bespeaks a household with financial means and intellectual interests far beyond the average.”v 

  Sarah and her family, as well as many other Narragansett Planters, were members of the Anglican Church and religious services at St. Paul’s Church would have been a large part of her life. After years of meeting in private homes, Old St. Paul’s Church (Naraggansett Church) had been erected at a site a few miles from Smith’s Castle, funded “. . . . by the voluntary contributions of the Inhabitants. . . .”vi (i.e., the Plantation owners). 

     In 1721 Rev. James MacSparran came to Narragansett and succeeded Rev. Christopher Bridge as the second rector. After marrying into the wealthy Gardiner family, he lived the life of a country gentleman and slave-owner, serving as their religious leader for over thirty-six years. In 1735 it was Dr. MacSparran who officiated at Sarah’s wedding. 

While many of Sarah’s extended family lived in close proximity, there were other branches scattered throughout New England and even in the southern colonies. With few good roads, most travel, at least to those homes within a reasonable distance, would have been made on horseback. Sarah probably learned to ride on a now-extinct horse breed known as the Narragansett Pacer, first recognized as a breed the year she was born. It was eminently suited to the muddy cowpaths that often served as Rhode Island roads.

      There is some question as to how Sarah met her future husband, Dr. Giles Goddard. In 1720 Sarah’s older sister Esther had married Thomas Fosdick, a physician from New London, Connecticut. They had four children over the next ten years, so it is not unlikely that Sarah would have gone to visit their family. “Probably Sarah met Giles [Goddard] during visits to her sister Esther and therefore did not come as a total stranger to New London after her marriage.vii 

     On the other hand, there is an indication in her obituary that Sarah spent some years of her youth in Boston, probably with her great-aunt Elizabeth Viall’s family. Her mother Abigail had lived with Aunt Elizabeth in her teens as well. It may have been there that they became acquainted since we know Giles was originally from Boston. In any case, the following record of her wedding appeared in the Rhode Island, Vital Extracts: 

UPDIKE, Sarah, of Capt. Lodowick, and Dr. Giles Goddard of Groton, married at the home of the bride by Dr. James MacSparran Dec. 11, 1735viii

  Unlike Massachusetts Puritans, Anglican worshippers celebrated Christmas so Smith Castle would probably have been beautifully decorated as the family welcomed the many wedding guests. Perhaps there was even snow to soften the landscape. Sarah’s aged father and mother were alive to celebrate with the young couple and their mutual friend Dr. MacSparran officiated at the ceremony. 

     Gravely missed, however, was her older brother Richard, who had died suddenly the previous spring, leaving a large family. This was particularly hard on Sarah’s father, who came to rely ever more heavily on Sarah’s brother Daniel for help with the management of the plantation. Probably soon after celebrating the Twelve Days of Christmas with family and friends, Sarah and her new husband left for Connecticut where Giles was establishing himself as a physician. 

     Dr. Giles Goddard was born in 1703, the second of four sons of William and Elizabeth (Fairfield) Goddard, both born in Boston, as were Giles and his siblings. There are no records as to Dr. Goddard’s training as a physician; it is possible that he attended medical school in Boston, but it is more likely that he apprenticed with an established doctor for a period of time. In any case, he showed up as a young doctor in Groton, Connecticut in 1725 when he is recorded as participating in a subscription to build a church “conforming to Church of England laws. . . .”ix 

    Rev. James McSparran (also Sarah’s minister back in Wickford) had for several years been making occasional visits to New London to minister to Giles and a group of fellow believers, who now proposed to erect an Episcopal house of worship, which would become St. James Church. 

  In the first few years after their 1735 marriage, Sarah and Giles lived in Groton, a small seaport village just across the Thames River from New London. The next few years were a time of great joy and great sorrow for the couple. In 1736 their first child, Catherine, was born, but died at the age of two months. Soon afterwards, Sarah also lost her father Lodowick at the age of almost 92. In 1738, their daughter Katherine Mary Goddard was born, probably also in Groton. By 1740, the Goddard family was in New London, where William was born. There was apparently one more child born in 1742, who also died, followed in a few years by Sarah’s mother. By 1743 the Goddards lived in a house on Bradley Street, not far from the newly constructed St. James Episcopal Church. In addition to practicing medicine, Giles served as New London’s postmaster. 

     Much of what is known of Giles Goddard comes from the 1735-1757 diary entries of a New Londoner, Joshua Hempstead, who apparently was a patient as well as a friend. While many of his entries did not give much detail, ”I was up to Doctr [sic] Goddards in the middle of the Day,”x there were a few that provided a glimpse into the doctor’s medical practices. One such entry reported: 

I sent for Doctor Goddard & he came & considered my Case and Says tis the Same Distemper that hath of late prevailed among Children & Directs to a drink of Strong Tea made of the bark of Sassafrax [sic] Roots boiled with Lignum vitia Saw dust.xi

Although this may sound strange to modern ears, Lignum Vitae (Latin for "wood of life") came from a Caribbean hard wood and chips of the wood were used at the time to brew a tea for treatment of a variety of medical conditions from coughs to arthritis. 

    During those years Sarah was involved with her growing family, helping her husband build his practice, and with the community, social and church responsibilities expected of the well-educated wife of a prominent citizen of New London. As was common for the time, she educated her children at home. Judging by their future accomplishments, she did a fine job preparing them for careers reflecting her and Giles’ interests in both printing and the postal system. 

  By the time his son William was a teenager, Giles Goddard was becoming increasingly incapacitated by gout and more and more responsibility was falling upon Sarah, including taking over the duties of postmaster in Groton. In 1755 they made the decision to place William as an apprentice to James Parker who, in partnership with John Holt, had established the Connecticut Gazette newspaper in New Haven. Interestingly, Parker and Holt also served as postmaster and deputy postmaster respectively. This combination of printing and postal service was not uncommon at the time as it gave a printer ready access to news from around the colonies. 

    The Goddards were to continue this practice in succeeding years. Two years into Williams’ apprenticeship, his father Giles died in New London. 

The diarist Hempstead recorded the death of Dr. Giles Goddard on January 31, 1757: 

“. . . aged between 50 & 60. He hath been decrepid with the Gout &c Several years & of late Confined to his house & Bed.”xii 

     Dr. Goddard left his widow with a sizeable inheritance with which she was able to maintain the home in New London for herself and her daughter while William was completing his apprenticeship. During this time, Parker and Holt had also established the New York Gazette and William was able to gain valuable experience at that enterprise as well. William’s apprenticeship ended in 1762 and the family’s future brought them back to Rhode Island. 

    The population of Providence in 1762 was around 4000. There was only one house on Westminster Street and carriages could not travel above Empire Street because of a hill. Although it was the second largest city in Rhode Island, Providence was largely over- shadowed by Newport. There were two political factions in the colony: the Newport faction headed by Samuel Ward and the Providence faction led by Stephen Hopkins. These two men alternated as governor several times between 1758 and 1767 as the power shifted between them as well as between their two cities. 

    The printing of business, government and legal forms formed a large part of a colonial printing enterprise, eliminating the need for laborious longhand copying. However, because there was no printing press in Providence, all government printing jobs were sent to Newport and the recently established Newport Mercury, the only newspaper in the colony, was the mouthpiece of Samuel Ward. Stephen Hopkins felt it was time to overcome this handicap and he began a search for a printer to open shop in Providence; he chose William Goddard. 

     At the age of approximately 62, Sarah Updike Goddard embarked on a new phase of her life. Within a few months of the end of William’s apprenticeship, she financed her son’s establishment of the first printing and publishing business in Providence. Sarah invested 300 pounds, almost half of the inheritance she had received from Giles, for this startup. Further, Sarah and Mary Katherine moved to Providence to support the day-to-day operation of the business, which included a book and stationery store as well as the printing shop. 

       “In the conduct of this first printing venture . . . begun in July 1762, Goddard was aided by the business acumen, good judgment, and strong maternal affection of Sarah, his mother, and by the practical skill in printing, soon acquired, of his sister Mary Katherine.” xiii The first publication under the William Goddard imprint was a broadside announcing the Fall of Morro Castle at Havana followed by a theatrical playbill.xiv 

  On October 20 1762, (William’s 22nd birthday) the first issue of Providence’s first newspaper, the Providence Gazette and Country Journal, was published with Sarah and Mary Katherine’s help. During its years of publication, the 4-page weekly newspaper included: Page 1 – largely London news; Page 2 - clippings from other colonial papers and reports brought in by sea captains; Page 3 - entertainment pieces such as poems and essays and opinion pieces (usually anonymous or with a pseudonym) with the last column largely advertisements; Page 4 - public announcements and advertisements. 

     It is entirely possible that Sarah contributed anonymous essays to the newspapers. It is probable that she managed the financial affairs since William’s later financial problems did not indicate a great interest or expertise in that part of the business. She certainly promoted his interests through her extended Rhode Island family connections and social contacts, The Goddard press was responsible for the publication the following year of the first of Benjamin West’s Rhode Island Almanacs, calculated specifically for the meridian of Providence with the tides of Narragansett Bay and other pertinent information for the farmers and mariners of Rhode Island.xv 

    Some feel that Sarah, with her plantation and mercantile background, was instrumental in suggesting the need for this useful publication to her son. As the colonies moved toward the Revolutionary War, political essays crept in, fueling the movement toward independence. 

  The years 1764-1765 were volatile times in the colonies. The Stamp Act and colonial opposition to it played an important role in defining some of those grievances which eventually led to the break with England. In December of 1764 an influential pamphlet in opposition to the Stamp Act written by Stephen Hopkins (The Rights of Colonies Examined) was printed by Goddard. Issues of the Gazette in the succeeding months frequently contained articles or pseudonymous letters commenting on the pamphlet or on the Stamp Act itself. 

     While interest in the topic was heated, it apparently did not do much to increase the paper’s subscription list. It was not long after this that William decided to leave Providence in search of more lucrative business opportunity. He suspended publication of the Gazette and left for New York. His mother, with the assistance of Mary Katherine, took over the operation of the printing and publishing business, the book and stationery shop, the paper mill, which they had purchased, and the postmaster position in his absence. 

  The extent to which William was involved in the Providence firm after May 1765 is unclear. William himself was not forthright about the arrangements. In The Partnership (a book he later wrote describing difficulties with his Philadelphia partners) he stated: “And whereas the said Sarah Goddard held and possesses in partnership [italics mine] with William Goddard, a printing office at Providence . . . . “xvi which makes her sound as having equal authority. In another place in that same book, however, William says:

“At that time I had a very complete office in Providence under the superintendence of Mrs. Sarah Goddard, my mother . . . [italics mine]. “ 

  The words “I” and “superintendence” seems to imply he viewed her more as an employee. We do know that William had joined the New York printing shop of John Holt in New York as a silent partner. Although he visited Providence frequently and may have provided some guidance, Sarah was increasingly in charge of the Providence firm. 

    In late 1765 and early 1766, while William traveled regularly between New York and Providence, the firm’s publications bore the imprint Sarah & William Goddard (sometimes S. & W. Goddard), the first time Sarah’s name appeared in connection with the business and making her officially the second printer in Providence. The output included West’s Almanac for 1766, a 60-page theological pamphlet, broadsides and sermons. On August 24, 1765 A Providence Gazette, Extraordinary (headed Vox Populi, Vox Dei) was printed. It was a special edition, devoted almost exclusively to opposition of the Stamp Act. 

   Printers, publishers, and lawyers were the most negatively affected by the Act which required that newspapers and other documents be printed on stamped paper from England. Publications from the Goddard print shop became increasingly pro-Whig. The debate over the Stamp Act probably made for some interesting discussions at Updike family gatherings as much of the extended family considered themselves Loyalists.

  Another significant publication advancing the colonials’ opposition to the Stamp Act was a pamphlet, “A Discourse Addressed to the Sons of Liberty at a Solemn Assembly near Liberty Tree in Newport, February 14 1766,” published under the imprint of William and Sarah Goddard. This was credited with sparking the formation of similar groups in other colonies. xvii 

     The year 1766 was a busy one at Sarah Goddard and Company, the “company” being her daughter, Mary Katherine, an active wielder of a printer’s stick. There was enough work to warrant an assistant; Samuel Inslee was hired. In addition to the usual broadsides, sermons, and almanacs, Sarah published the first American edition of Lady M--y W----y M------ e: Letters . . Written During Her Travels in Europe, Asia and Africa. Lady Wortley’s letters to female friends in the volume provided “. . . intimate glimpses into the women’s world of Eastern Europe and the Middle East”xviii and were immensely popular. This was an ambitious project for a small printer, being over 200 pages long.

  Meanwhile, the Goddard Bookshop imported books from London, offering its Providence customers contact with the outside intellectual world. And it did not just offer the usual religious books; the shop stocked titles such as the Tattler (a British literary and society journal), Tom Jones, The Rambler (a series of short papers by Samuel Johnson), and The Adventures of Roderick Random (a picaresque novel by Tobias Smollett).xix 

  The choices were undoubtedly reflective of Sarah’s wide-ranging literary interests. Under Sarah’s supervision, even the paper mill was beginning to show a slight profit. On August 9, 1766, Sarah was able to revive the weekly Providence Gazette. In the usual page one “Notice to the Public” she indicated that, even though William had not considered the paper a profitable enterprise, she was going ahead with it anyway, thinking it was important for the community. 

    Being a careful businesswoman, however, she did require that one-half the annual subscription cost had to be paid on receiving the first issue and that “provisions, grain of any kind, tallow, wood, wool and many other articles of country produce” would be accepted in lieu of money.xx 

     By the end of 1766 William was in Philadelphia making plans for his newest venture in partnership with Joseph Galloway and Thomas Wharton. In January, 1767 Sarah was probably proud when she reprinted a notice announcing the forthcoming appearance of her son’s Philadelphia newspaper, The Pennsylvania Chronicle and Universal Advertiser. “Modeling his plans upon the London Chronicle, Goddard tried to make his Chronicle the paper of his dreams”xxi -- a large folio with four columns instead of the usual three. It was considered the best colonial newspaper of its time and had the largest circulation. 

  The owners of the rival Philadelphia Journal, in part probably nervous about his success, began to criticize articles in Goddard’s paper, particularly those defending Benjamin Franklin. A newspaper war ensued for several weeks in the spring of 1767. William, who later claimed that it was at the insistence of his partners, inserted an attack on the various writers of the Journal, signed Lex Talionis (the Biblical law of eye for an eye). 

  After its publication, Sarah wrote a lengthy letter to her disputatious son, expressing her concern and disapproval of the Lex Talionis article and urging forbearance. In part, she advised: 

 “It is with aching heart and trembling hand I attempt to write, but hardly able, for the great concern and anxious fears the sight of your late Chronicles gave me to find you deeper and deeper in an unhappy uncomfortable situation. In your calm hours of reflection, you must see the impropriety of publishing such pieces . . . . attacking writers of one of the opposition newspapers. . . for everyone who takes delight in publicly or privately taking away any person’s good name, or striving to render him ridiculous, are in the gall of bitterness, and in the bonds of iniquity, whatever their pretense may be for it. . . . I heartily wish it was within the reach of my faint efforts to convey to you what threescore and almost ten years experience has taught me, of the mere nothingness of all you are disputing about, and the infinite importance and value of what you thereby neglect and disregard . . . the law of universal love . . . . xxii

     Apparently he took her rebuke to heart and they reconciled, because starting in June, she regularly included articles from the Chronicle on the pages of the Gazette. 

    In August John Carter came from Benjamin Franklin’s Philadelphia office to work with her and soon afterwards became her partner. The Gazette was now published under the imprint of Sarah Goddard and John Carter. 

  In addition to her business skills, Sarah possessed a high degree of interest in and knowledge of the political scene. In December of 1767 the Chronicle was the first in the colonies to publish John Dickinson’s “Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies,” a series of 12 essays written by a Pennsylvania lawyer and legislator. Sarah recognized their importance and wrote to her son: 

 “Our friend Judge Chase and I think it would be a good scheme in you to print the Farmer’s letters in a pamphlet, and that soon, as they appear to be the completest pieces ever wrote on the subject in America. They are universally admired here.xxiii 

  Dickinson’s letters were widely reprinted and read throughout the colonies and were recognized as important in uniting the colonists against the Townshend Acts. It would indeed have been highly profitable for William to publish those pamphlets. Unfortunately, his partners did not share his political views and opposed the project, further increasing the friction present almost from the beginning of their partnership. 

     The year 1768 was to bring another great change in Sarah’s life. Possibly in the belief that Sarah might moderate her son’s ideas, in May Galloway and Wharton proposed that William should sell the Providence business and move his mother and sister to Philadelphia. “They promised to ‘take a genteel house’ for the family and to ‘advance a sum sufficient to set up her [Sarah Goddard] in a store of books and stationery.’ Money was also to be allowed to the mother ‘for her superintendence of family affairs.’” xxiv 

     At first, William was opposed to the idea, but he was eventually convinced that it was in his best interests. He wrote to Sarah, who replied that she preferred to remain in Providence: 

. . . . for my life is almost at a close, and I can hardly think of removing so near the period of my days into a strange part of the world, to launch a new set of acquaintance, and to leave all my former ones, the companions of my youth, and the supporters of my old age . . . .xxv

  At the urging of his partners, William went to see her in person. Later he wrote: “This I did and laid the prospect before her and she from motives of maternal tenderness consented to leave an easy agreeable situation and a multitude of amicable friends, and my sister agreed to accompany her.”xxvi William relinquished his position of postmaster, which Sarah had been maintaining in his absence, and the November 5th issue of the Providence Gazette carried Sarah’s farewell to Providence.xxvii It was obviously hard for Sarah to leave. 

  A week later the print shop and the Providence Gazette was sold to John Carter for $550.00 (it remained in his possession until 1814). Things did not go as planned in Philadelpia. According to William’s later account, his partners Galloway and Wharton did not follow through on their promises to provide suitable housing for the Goddards and William was forced to make the arrangements himself. Also according to William, Wharton then objected to his choices, saying: “A house in an alley would answer thy purpose well enough” to which William replied, “. . . as we did not come out of an alley, we will not be driven into one . . . .”xxviii Apparently, Wharton also objected to a small press which Sarah had received for the purpose of printing forms from home; she returned it. In late 1769, Sarah wrote to her sister about the physical difficulties she had adjusting to life in Philadelphia: 

 “This Serves to Acquaint you that altho I have been much indisposed this winter, that through the goodness of God I am in a better State of Health than I have been for Sometime when I first came to this City the Air and Climate did not seem to agree with me. If I Stay I hope it will become more Natural.”xxix 

     In December Sarah deeded the remaining Connecticut properties she had inherited from her husband to William, in return for which he promised to allow her support from the Philadelphia shop. During William’s frequent trips, some on postal business and some of which involved his continuing partnership and financial problems, Sarah and Mary Katherine maintained the Philadelphia office, newspaper and shop as they had done earlier in Providence. 

Early in January, 1770, while William was traveling in New York, he received a letter from his mother offering sympathy and support for his current difficulties and reassuring him that the Philadelphia Chronicle was doing well, with new subscriptions every day. The very next day he received word from a friend that his mother had died on Friday, January 5th. Mary Katherine also wrote, urging him to return to Philadelphia as soon as possible. 

     Sarah Updike Goddard was buried on Sunday, January 7, 1770 in Christ Church’s Burial Ground, 5th & Arch Streets, Philadelphia.  A lengthy anonymous memorial appeared in the January 20, 1770 issue of the New York Gazette (later reprinted in the February 10, 1770 Providence Gazette). Such a long obituary was unusual in the 18th century for anyone, much less a woman. The anonymous author, saying he was “no relation to the family and ... not intimately acquainted. . . “after a biographical summary, ended by writing: 

. . . . Her uncommon attainments in literature were the least of valuable parts of her character. Her conduct through all the changing trying scenes of life, was not only unblameable, but even exemplary – a sincere piety, an unaffected humility, an easy agreeable cheerfulness and affability, an entertaining, sensible and edifying conversation, and a prudent attention to all the duties of domestic life, endeared her to all her acquaintance, especially in the relations of wife, parent, friend and neighbour. The death of such a person is a public loss, an irreparable one to her children! xxx 

  Some have criticized the eulogy, as not giving Sarah enough credit for her part in her son’s career and in the colonial newspaper and printing worlds; she probably would have considered it the highest compliment since it stressed her personal, rather than business, traits. 

  Her children’s future successes would probably have brought great joy to her. Mary Katherine continued to run businesses for her brother for many years and excelled as a publisher of several of his newspapers, became Baltimore’s first postmaster, and became famous for publishing the first signed copy of the Declaration of Independence, at some risk to her own life. 

     William, besides his printing and publishing career, was recognized as an American patriot of the Pre- and Revolutionary Period and as creator of the Constitutional Post for intercolonial mail service. When the Postal Service Act was passed in 1792, his ideals of open communication and freedom from governmental interference formed the basis of the new system, although to his disappointment Benjamin Franklin, rather than he, was appointed First Postmaster General. Later in life, William married Abigail Angell and they had one son and four daughters, who carried Sarah’s ideals into future generations. 

END NOTES

 i From Poem in Providence Gazette, March 17, 1765.

 ii Charles Wilson Opdyke, The Op Dyck Genealogy (Albany, NY: Week, Parsons & Co., 1889), pp. 91-93.

 iii Opdyke, op cit., p. 87.

 iv Ward L. Miner, “Goddard, Sarah Updike,” Notable American Women, Vol. II, p. 56-57/ 

v Ward L. Miner, William Goddard, Newspaperman (Duke University Press: Durham, NC, 1962), p. 11-12. 

vi Woodard, p. 66.

 vii Miner, William Goddard, Newspaperman, p. 11. 

viii Rhode Island, Vital Extracts, 1636-1899 [database on-line], Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2014 (accessed 2/18/2018).

 ix Ed. Benjamin Tinkham Marshall, A Modern History of New London County, Connecticut.Vol. I (New York: Lewis Historical Publishing, 1922, p.388. (Excerpt from Diary of Joshua Hempstead).

 x Miner, William Goddard: Newspaperman, p. 9.

 xi Ibid. 

xii Ibid., p. 11.

 xiii Lawrence C. Wroth, The First Press in Providence. Presented at the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, 1942, p. 356.

 xiv Rhode Island Imprints (1727-1800), Printed for the Rhode Island Historical Society, 1915. 

xv Wroth, p. 361. xvi William Goddard, The Partnership (William Goddard: Philadelphia, 1770), p. 26. 

xvii The John Carter Library Website, Pamphlet Wars: Arguments on Paper from the Age of Revolutions, [It is possible to view the entire scanned pamphlet at this site], Accessed on 4/3/2018. http://www.brown.edu/ Facilities/John_Carter_Brown_Library/exhibitions/pamphletWars/pages/crisis.html

xviii Ken J. Bates, A Colonial Woman’s Bookshelf (Eugene, Oregon: Wipf & Stock, 1996), pp.120-121. 

xix Wroth, p. 379. 

xx Printers and Printing in Providence, Prepared by a Committee of Providence Typographical Union No. 33 as a Souvenir of the Fiftieth Anniversary of Its Institution (Providence, RI: 1907), p. 12 

xxi Miner, p. 68. X

xii Quoted in Miner, pp. 75-76. 

xxiii Quoted in Miner, p. 82. 

xxiv Miner (with quotations), p. 84. 

xxv Quoted in Miner, p. 84. xxvi Goddard, op cit.

 xxvii Providence Gazette, Saturday, November 5, 1768, Issue 252, Page 3 Image from Genealogy Bank.com, Accessed 4/16/2018. 

xxviii Goddard, p. 22. 

xxix March 14, 1769 Letter, Updike Manuscript and Autograph Collection, Providence Public Library.

 xxx Quoted in Wilkins Updike, Esq. Memoirs of the Rhode-Island Bar (Boston: Thomas H. Webb, 1842), p. 256- 257.

“Shakespeare’s Head” today courtesy the Providence Preservation Society.


The First People of African Descent at Smith's Castle

by John Dower in


By John Dower

In celebration of Black History Month and the launch of our blog, the Cocumscussoc Review, it seems appropriate for one of our first articles to go back to the beginning of the history of the people of African descent that lived and toiled at Smith’s Castle. However, we quickly are faced with a question- When did Blacks first live at Cocumscussoc? Historians recognize Richard Smith Sr. as the first Englishman to acquire an extensive estate in Narragansett Country. He is also acknowledged to have been the first of the Narragansett Planters. Nevertheless, we know little surrounding this “emergence” of Cocumscussoc as a plantation, “a major agricultural enterprise” utilizing enslaved labor, which would eventually comprise a tract of land some three miles wide and nine miles long.[i]

 We know with certainty, thanks to the will of Richard Smith Jr., that he owned eight enslaved people in 1692, but we know very little of them other than the adults were named Ebed Melich, Caesar, and Sarah. It is also known that Caesar and Sarah were the parents of the five unnamed children that appear in the will. While the will of Richard Smith Jr. provides concrete evidence of people of African ancestry living at Cocumscussoc by 1692, it does little to establish the arrival time of the first Blacks at the great house on Mill Cove. Clearly, the eight enslaved individuals in the will had not just arrived at Smith's Castle in 1692. But when did they appear, or were they even the first Blacks in the Smith household? To attempt to answer that question, we must investigate the life of Richard Smith Sr. to see if we can find some answers.

 Richard Smith Sr. arrived at Cocumscussoc sometime in the late 1630s by way of England, Taunton, and Portsmouth; and set up a trading operation with the Narragansett people alongside his associate and fellow Englishman, Roger Williams. Neither man lived permanently at Cocumscussoc at this time (both employing overseers tasked with running the day-to-day trading operations). Williams continued to make Providence his permanent residence, and Smith made his way to a Dutch-sponsored settlement on Long Island after initially living in Portsmouth. This early connection to the Dutch by Smith Sr. will prove crucial in understanding the role of Blacks in the history of Smith's Castle. Shortly after settling in 1642 at Mespath, now modern-day Queens, Smith and his neighbors were attacked by the Wappinger tribe and sought refuge in the larger Dutch settlement on the island of Manhattan. On Manhattan, Smith would form relationships with the Dutch that undoubtedly influenced the rise of plantation slavery in the Narragansett Country of Rhode Island and led to the first people of African descent at Cocumscussoc.[ii]

 For the six or so years that Smith and his family lived in New Amsterdam, the name given to Manhattan by the Dutch, Richard Sr. became more involved with the Dutch West India Company. Almost immediately, Smith was accepted into the company's inner circle, holding various offices of trust within the Dutch trading operation. From New Amsterdam, the patriarch of the Smith family was able to strengthen his trading opportunities for his post at Cocumscussoc, and at the same time learn about the expanding trade possibilities the Dutch had cultivated in the West Indies, especially with Barbados. During this same period, the elder Smith acquired a son-in-law when his daughter Catherine married a Dutchman that held a lofty position in the Dutch West India Company. Gysbert op den Dyke (later anglicized to Gilbert Updike) served on various councils for the company and was also the commander of Fort Good Hope (current day Hartford, Connecticut). By the time Updike married into the Smith family, he was already well acquainted with slavery. [iii]

 Interestingly, the Dutch West India Company had first brought enslaved Africans to New Amsterdam in 1626 and continued to expand their interests in slave trading in the following decades. By 1664 company ships carried as many as 300 enslaved people per voyage into New Amsterdam. Gilbert Updike is in Connecticut records for having been involved in the "accidental" death of his "black boy" in 1639, so we know with certainty that Updike was personally involved with slavery on some level. We have no direct evidence that Updike was still involved in slavery when he married into the Smith family; however, in the years following his marriage to Catherine, the Dutch West India Company became increasingly entangled in the business of slavery.[iv]

 The story of the Dutch West India Company very closely parallels the story of trade at Cocumscussoc during this period of the 1640s. Around 1640 the focus of the Dutch was on turning a quick profit dealing in beaver pelts and lumber. Not coincidentally, this was in the same wheelhouse of Richard Smith Sr. as he also traded with the Narragansett for pelts and had easy access to lumber as well. However, by the later part of the 1640s, beaver were becoming less plentiful due to over-trapping and restrictions on trading guns with the Indigenous people who supplied the pelts. No guns meant no beaver pelts. The Dutch began to promote agriculture over the fur trade, except they had one obstacle- a lack of a consistent labor force in their colony to work large farms necessary to be profitable. The obvious answer for the Dutch was to emulate the plantation operations they were supporting in Barbados. The Dutch West India Company was already deeply immersed in the slave trade, so promoting a plantation economy for their settlements was not unfamiliar to them.[v]

 For the better part of a decade, Richard Smith Sr. had been straddling two worlds, the Dutch colonialists and the English colonialists. He had been surprisingly successful at balancing his life within the two factions. Undoubtedly, Smith had seen the changes taking place around him by the late 1640s as trade in the previously lucrative fur market was in the early stages of decline. At the same time, the English were putting themselves in a position to take control over New Netherlands. Smith would have had a front-row seat in New Amsterdam to the Dutch transformation toward settlements based on plantation economies and the utilization of an enslaved labor force. Another situation was developing in Barbados during this same period. Every square mile on the island was being used to grow sugarcane, which meant that the planters of Barbados needed to import food to feed their growing workforce and other staples such as lumber and livestock. Colonists in Barbados pleaded with English authorities to lessen trade restrictions to no avail. So, the Dutch, who had long been involved in trade with Barbados and, in fact, had provided most of the enslaved Africans that worked the sugarcane fields, kept trade channels open. Richard Smith Sr. could not have avoided the changing economy when he made a pivotal decision sometime around 1648.[vi]  

When Richard Smith Sr. moved his family from New Amsterdam to Cocumscussoc sometime before 1650, it was a decision that was certainly not made lightly. Leaving the highly successful settlement on Manhattan to make a permanent residence at a trading post in Narragansett Country seems like a risky proposition at best. Perhaps the balancing act of being an Englishman in a Dutch colony was becoming too complicated. However, Richard Smith Jr. remained in New Amsterdam for another decade to assist his father in trade operations from the company offices while learning the ropes of trading with Barbados. Smith Sr. had long been a person to take chances to better himself financially, and this appears the case with a move to Cocumscussoc. The fact that he had been witnessing firsthand the rise of the plantation economy among the Dutch when fur trading was in flux cannot be ignored. Smith already had the necessary land to establish an agriculture operation and would soon be acquiring more property, as well as livestock. All that would be needed would be the labor to put a plantation in business.[vii]

 It is worth mentioning that in 1652, Rhode Island enacted the first ban on slavery in the colonies. The act stated- “Whereas there is a common course practised amongst Englishmen" to purchase enslaved people of African descent for free labor, and the government should therefore control it. The legislators set the length of servitude for Blacks and whites at a maximum of ten years or the enslaved’s twenty-fourth birthday. As we now know, the act was never enforced. Nevertheless, it seems that slavery was prevalent enough that some officials in Rhode Island felt it necessary to regulate the institution. Was Smith Sr. one of the Englishmen that caught the attention of the legislators when he made Cocumscussoc his final home?[viii]

 While it seems possible that Richard Smith Sr.’s permanent return to Rhode Island could have involved the practice of slavery based on his association with the Dutch while in New Amsterdam, we still have no documentation to support that premise. Within ten years of Smith’s return to Cocumscussoc, his son-in-law Gilbert Updike shows up at Cocumscussoc with his children following the death of his wife. We know that some twenty years prior, Updike had owned a young, enslaved man. Did Gilbert Updike introduce slavery to Smith’s Castle when he arrived in the late 1650s? During the 1650s, the Dutch increased the allotment of enslaved people from Africa and Barbados imported into New Amsterdam. Those associated with the Dutch West India Company were given priority to purchase enslaved workers when they arrived in the colonies, especially the “seasoned” laborers from Barbados. However, we still have no concrete evidence that the Smiths were involved in anything more than some continued trade with the Narragansett and the appearance of some agricultural enterprise, but not yet a plantation-based on enslaved labor.[ix]

Inventory from Daniel Updike’s 1757 will listing nineteen enslaved people.

Sometime in the early 1660s, Richard Smith Jr. left New Amsterdam to join his father at Cocumscussoc. If the elder Smith had witnessed the blossoming of plantations imitating those in Barbados based on an enslaved workforce, the younger Smith had seen plantation economies go into full bloom during his extra decade on Manhattan. By this time, trading in furs was indeed on its way out, and agricultural ventures were on the rise. During this period, the Smiths had also been fortunate enough to expand their landholdings, a strong indicator of what they believed would surely lead to their future success in Rhode Island. When Richard Smith Sr. died in 1666, there was still no concrete evidence in his will or otherwise that he had owned enslaved people. If the Smiths had been involved in slavery by 1666, a likely scenario suggested by Smith’s Castle historian Robert Geake is that Smith Jr. had been making trips to Barbados prior to his move to Rhode Island, where he would have acquired the first enslaved people to work at Cocumscussoc. Interestingly, the younger Smith had another brother-in-law, Thomas Newton, married to his sister Joan, who had moved to Barbados. Smith Jr. seemed to have the business of slavery all around him.[x]

 By 1665 the younger Richard Smith had a close relationship with John Winthrop Jr., governor of nearby Connecticut. Over the next several years, Smith discusses several topics associated with the slave trade with Winthrop, a known enslaver, but stops short of mentioning his ownership of human beings. These conversations are suggestive of someone who at the time would have thought of slavery as a relatively common occurrence in their life. Winthrop was also very involved in trade with Barbados, having a brother that was a planter and slaveholder residing on the island. Smith mentions his direct involvement in trade with Barbados and being unable to find a buyer for one of Winthrop's enslaved servants. We know that Smith Jr. lived among people who owned, imported, and traded in enslaved people for over two decades. However, we still do not have documentation proving the exact time when the younger Smith had become a slave owner himself.[xi]

 A closer inspection of the will of Richard Smith Jr. may shed some additional light on the first enslaved people of African descent making their appearance at Cocumscussoc. One important aspect of Smith Jr.’s will was his intent when the will was written in 1690 to free two enslaved adults, Caesar and Sarah, upon his death. In addition, he wanted the couple to be given 100 acres of land. It was also Smith's wish that Caesar and Sarah's five children were be given their freedom when they reached 30 years of age. Ebed Melich was also to be given his freedom upon turning 30 years old. The stipulations for Caesar and Sarah indicate that the couple had been with Smith Jr. for some time, and the owner had developed a relationship of sorts with the enslaved couple. It also seems more likely than not that the children were born during Caesar and Sarah's time at Cocumscussoc, instead of Smith acquiring them as an entire family group.[xii]

 The other enslaved adult at Smith’s Castle, Ebed Melich, would seemingly not have been part of the Smith household for very long as his freedom is put off until he reaches thirty. The apparent reason for Ebeb (a Biblical name meaning servant) having a surname is that he was owned by someone named Melich prior to being owned by Smith Jr. Melich is a name with various spellings, many of which were associated with the Dutch or Germans in the seventeenth century, not coincidently the two groups that comprised the early Dutch West India Company’s settlements in the New Netherlands. Smith Jr. had unlimited access to enslaved people at the time, so the purchase of Ebed points possibly to someone with unique skills. 

 Other puzzling questions arise concerning the will of Richard Smith Jr. Were the eight enslaved people listed in his will the only Blacks at Cocumscussoc at the time of Smith Jr.’s death? If so, how would a plantation economy at Cocumscussoc thrive with only three enslaved adults, all of whom were about to gain their freedom? A logical explanation can be found with the arrival of the Updikes at Smith’s Castle sometime around 1659 when Gilbert brought his wife and seven children there to live. Richard Smith’s wife, Joan, is thought to have died before that time, and their daughter Catherine, wife of Gilbert Updike, was deceased prior to 1664 when Smith Sr.’s will was written. It would not be out of the question for Gilbert Updike to have brought enslaved servants with him to assist in a household of seven children lacking in adult women. In fact, Roger Williams mentions in 1679 that Richard Smith Sr. did indeed have "servants," a word that was often synonymous with enslaved in the seventeenth century but could also pertain to white indentured servants.[xiii]

 When Richard Smith Sr. passed on in 1666, he left the main house and the majority of his land holdings to his son Richard Smith Jr.  He did, however, leave one-quarter of a newly acquired tract of land, as well as one-quarter of his livestock to his Updike grandchildren. Certainly, the eldest male, twenty-three-year-old Lodowick, would have been the principal benefactor of this bequest. Smith Jr. and his wife Esther never had children, so Lodowick became heir to Cocumscussoc. It seems doubtful that the enterprising, young Updike would have ignored the opportunity to begin emulating the agricultural operations he witnessed growing up in the New Netherlands. So, in the next thirty years, as he embraced the plantation business, it is very likely that Lodowick had long been assembling his own enslaved labor force at Cocumscussoc. While Richard Smith Jr. died owning only the eight enslaved people listed in his will, an adult Lodowick could have very easily been the owner of record for the many additional laborers needed to make Cocumscussoc the plantation it had become by 1692. The younger Updike had been around slavery his entire life and was vitally aware of the economic advantages enslaved workers would provide.[xiv]

When Richard Smith Jr. died in 1692, he was considered one of the wealthiest men in New England. The wealth and immense land holdings at Cocumscussoc were not, by then, the product of trading in furs, which had undoubtedly ended by King Philips War, and had been in decline prior to that period. When testifying on Smith Jr.'s behalf involving a land dispute in 1779, Roger Williams stated that the younger Smith "hath kept possess of his father's howsing, lands, and medoes, with great emprovement; also by his great cost and industrie.”  The Great House, known as Smith's Castle, was completed at that point after the original home was destroyed by fire. Williams was describing something much more significant than the trading post that had operated there decades before. For over a century, enslaved labor would continue to transform the landscape of Cocumscussoc into what at one time was one of the most successful agricultural operations in New England.[xv]

While slavery in New England and at Cocumscussoc never rivaled what was seen in the South, it was unfortunately common in Narragansett Country and other pockets of New England. Documentation on slavery at Cocumscussoc during the first half of the eighteenth century, much like the years before 1692, is all but nonexistent. In Daniel Updike's will of 1757, we find nineteen enslaved people listed. Just prior to the American Revolution in a Rhode Island census, eleven of the twenty-two members of the Lodowick Updike (grandson of the first Lodowick) household are Black. The last recorded enslaved Blacks at Smith’s Castle can be found in the 1800 census, which lists two “Slaves” in the household of Lodowick Updike. In close proximity to Smith’s Castle is a long-forgotten cemetery for the enslaved that goes back to the 1700s. Estimates of the number of people interred at the site have been as high as 81 and perhaps many more, indicating the significant number of enslaved at Cocumscussoc and other nearby farms held by the family.[xvi]

Unfortunately, we may never know when the first people of African descent stepped foot on the ground at Cocumscussoc. The multiple Dutch and Barbados connections to slavery in the seventeenth century cannot be ignored. Possibly Richard Smith Sr. owned some enslaved servants or farm laborers prior to his death; however, none appeared in his will. Therefore, a reasonable estimate for the first enslaved Blacks at Cocumscussoc would be sometime in the 1660s when Richard Smith Jr. and Lodowick Updike moved to Smith's Castle permanently. We know with certainty that dozens of enslaved Blacks labored at Cocumscussoc for well over one hundred years and contributed significantly to the economic success of the first plantation in Narragansett Country. An argument can easily be made that if not for the sustained activity of people of African descent at Smith's Castle, which led to a onetime highly prosperous plantation, the 344-year-old historic great house would not be with us today. While we know but a few of the names of the enslaved Blacks that labored at Cocumscussoc, they all deserve recognition for giving us the gift of Smith’s Castle. The Great House, known as Smith's Castle, remains one of the oldest existing plantation houses in New England and the United States. 


[i]  Miller, William Davis, The Narragansett Planters, The Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, April 1933, v 43, part 1, p 54. Woodward, Carl R., Plantation in Yankeeland, p. 25.

[ii]  Updike, Daniel Berkeley, Richard Smith: First English Settler of the Narragansett Country, p. 14.

[iii]  Ibid, p. 15.

[iv]  McManus, Edgar J. A History of Negro of Negro Slavery in New York, p. 4.  Opdyck, Charles Wilson and Opdyck, Leonard Ekstein, The Op Dyck Geneology, p. 48.

[v]  Ibid, p. 7.

[vi]  Koot, Christian J., A “Dangerous Principle”: Free Trade Discourses in Barbados and the English Leeward Islands, 1650-1689, Early American Studies, Spring 2007, v 5, number 1, p. 134.

[vii]  Cranston, G. Timothy with Neil Dunay, We Were Here Too: Selected Stories of Black History in North Kingstown, pp. 65-66.

[viii]  Rhode Island State Archives, Proceedings of the General Assembly, v 1, pp. 24-25.

[ix]  McManus, p. 6.

[x] Cranston, p. 66.

[xi] Updike, pp. 87, 90-91, 94, 107.

[xii] Opdyck, p. 82.

[xiii] Collections of the Rhode Island Historical Society, v 3, p. 166.

[xiv]  Opdyck, pp. 79-80.

[xv]  Collections of the Rhode Island…, p. 167.

[xvi]  Opdyck, p.106. Cranston, p. 87. Bartlett, John Russell, Census of the Inhabitants of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, p. 83.

Smith’s Castle today with the Rhode Island Slave History Medallion Monument in the foreground.


Indigenous Soldiers of the Revolution and their Efforts to Obtain Pensions for their Service by Robert A. Geake

by Robert Geake in


In our book From Slaves to Soldiers, Lorén Spears and I highlighted the enlistment of indigenous people who fought in the Revolutionary War. Many of these soldiers were free men who served in both Rhode Island regiments, placed mostly among the enslaved and others recruited for the 1st Rhode Island regiment which would become famously known as the “black regiment”.

 As with all enlisted men who were not seriously wounded in the War of Independence, the pensions promised to the soldiers were long in coming, and furthermore, applications for such pensions from men of color were in some cases delayed or refused by a lack of understanding of tradition and heritage as well as racial prejudices and suspicion of fraudulent accounts and depositions. This was also true for men of the local indigenous tribes that had served, including the Narragansett people.

 By the time of the Revolutionary War, a significant number of tribal members had intermarried into the black community of enslaved people within Rhode Island, especially if they worked either as indentured servants or were descended of previous generations of enslaved workers.

 This often led to mis-identification and ultimately, the loss of identity in state records, including census records which often issued one race for a mixed-race household; in what one Narragansett historian has named “a paper-genocide” of his people[i].

 Few indigenous soldiers who served in the 1stand 2ndRhode Island Regiments applied for a pension. This may have been as Spear’s noted, that these former soldiers were not aware of the process of filing an application. Others may have forgone the process as a matter of pride, as in fighting to defend their homeland but not wishing to become beholden to a government that had forced their people onto a reservation three quarters of a century before the war began.

 Still others may have fallen prey to the legion of already wealthy “investors” who purchased pension claims from revolutionary veterans of all color who had become destitute in the difficult years after the war while waiting for Congress to determine their compensation.

Utilizing a list of indigenous soldiers compiled for our book from the DAR and Grundset’s publication of Forgotten Patriots, I found only a handful of pension applications, some of which clearly show the skeptical views of government officials as they sorted through the many pension applications that they received, indicating that indigenous veterans as with other veterans of color, often found their efforts to obtain a pension a difficult ordeal.

 An example of such scrutiny can be examined from the family of George Rutter Gardner. 

Gardner[ii]was a slave of Benjamin Gardiner when he married Thankful Babcock, a Narragansett woman on September 12, 1763. Thankful was the slave of Hezekiah Babcock of South Kingstown. Her first son Robbin Babcock, adopted the master’s last name, indicating he may have been born before her marriage to Gardner. Later children, a daughter Patience, and sons London, and Sharper took Gardner’s name. All of these children were Narragansett, based upon the tribe’s matrilineal heritage, though all were misidentified in the records. George Rutter Gardner died in South Kingstown about 1795. His widow Thankful applied for a Revolutionary War pension, detailing his service during the war.

His son Sharper Rutter Gardner was a slave of Benjamin Gardner of South Kingstown. He enlisted on February 27, 1778 and served in the 1st Rhode Island regiment as a private in Capt. John Dexter’s company. He deserted the regiment on June 1, 1781 shortly after the devastating attack on the regiment’s encampment by loyalists in New York State. He was captured on June 20, 1782 and a court martial handed down the sentence of death the following day. 

 The sentence was never carried out and Sharper Gardner was later pardoned by General Washington. He rejoined the regiment in September 1782 and served until his discharge in June 1783[iii]. He apparently died however, some time before applications were allowed to be filed.

 With the support of his siblings London and Patience, Sharper’s half-brother Robbin applied on behalf of the family the  in 1812. The pension file included testimony from Captain John L. Dexter, in whose company Sharper Gardner had served, and fellow soldiers Primus Babcock, and Prince Bento, who testified to his familiarity with the Father and son, further supporting the statement Robbin Babcock had written to authorities:

 “I was an Enlisted soldier in the American Revolutionary War and served during the same in the Rhode Island black regiment commanded by Col. Greene who was succeeded by Col. Olney in command.

 That I was there acquainted with George Utter Gardner and his son Sharper Gardner, who both enlisted into the regiment to serve during the war and did actually serve to the end…and were to my knowledge discharged therefrom, and both of whose discharges I have heard.

 I further testify that about twenty years after, the said Sharper Gardner went from this County to New York & soon after which his friends received a letter from some person in New York informing them of the death of P(rivate) Sharper, since which I have never heard of (from?) P. Sharper…and believe that he is dead. 

 I further testify that about seventeen years ago George Utter Gardner died in South Kingston in this County, leaving a widow and three children, two sons and one daughter, namely Robin, London, and Patience, which three were the only said children of George Utter Gardner…which widow is now dead and the said Sharper Gardner left no child, and no brother or sister except the said Robin, (who now labors by the name of Robin Babcock after the name of his late master Hezekiah Babcock[iv]”.

Robin Babcock eventually hired Elisha R. Potter to serve as “my true, sufficient & Lawful Attorney for me in my name & stead to ask, demand, levy, require, Recover & receive the Land Warrants which my Father George Utter Gardner and my brother Sharper Utter Gardner were intitled to as a bounty for their service in the Revolutionary War, and also to recover and receive any sum…of money as may be due to my father or brother as wages for their service in said War, and to give such discharge as the law requires in such cases…”

 In December of 1813, the Department of War ruled that the father and son had indeed served throughout the war. The remaining family members were then awarded the land grant due his relations.Narragansett John Harry served three years under Col. Greene and Col. Jeremiah Olney of the 1st Rhode Island Regiment. He is also listed as serving in Allen’s detachment from June – December 1783. Harry and his wife Mary applied for a pension for his service, as any soldier was permitted who had served at least three months with the army.

 In addition, his application supplied testimony from his acquaintance and employer Levi Totten written in 1820. Totten wrote that he had been acquainted with John Harry since 1783 at the close of the war

 “for the past three years he has been in a debilitative state of Health and unable to perform a Man’s Day’s Work, three years since I employed him and at sundry times since have employed him to labor for me…He has repeatedly shown me a wound in his side, and part of his ribs appear to be missing. I always understood that he received the wound whilst in the Revolutionary Army[v]”.

 During the investigation, an agent from the Pension Board noted that Harry and his wife were receiving income from land they had leased. This was land actually owned by Mary, and the lease of forty-two acres from 1812 had been arranged by the tribe in order to give the couple an income of twenty dollars per year, as they had become destitute. In order to clarify this issue, the tribal council submitted a copy of the agreement, as well as tribal council member 

 Augustus Harry, penning an eloquent and non-equivocating epistle to government officials:

 “I have personally known John Harry of Charlestown…who is also one of said Tribe, as long as I remember any body. I never knew him (to) own any Land or real Estate of any kind. If he had owned any, I believe it would have come to my knowledge. Since I arrived at the age of twenty-one years, I have been elected and served as a Member of the Tribal Council of said Tribe, twenty-five years, and am now a Member of said Council.

The Council of the Tribe, who are annually elected, superintend & direct the Municipal Concerns of the Tribe, according to the Customs and Usages of said Tribe, particularly the letting out and leasing of the Lands belonging to said Tribe, and of the individuals who choose to Let their Lands. The Narragansett Tribe, and the individuals thereof, hold their land in a tenure peculiar to themselves. Not as the white People hold lands. 

 An individual of said Tribe cannot sell or convey any Land descended to him or her, nor mortgage it, or charge it with Debts as white people do. But when a Member of that Tribe dies, his or her Land descends to his or her Children or next of kin, Generally without distinction of Male or Female, and if a member of the Tribe abandons their land and goes without the (e)state, the next Heirs or Heir enters & occupies it.

 Neither can a member of said Tribe lease out or let his or her land without the approbation and Signatures of a Majority of the Indian Council. Neither can a Member of the Tribe dispose of his or her land by Will as white people do.

  I further testify that John Harry…is very poor. I believe him destitute of property, quite infirm, and unable to do hard labor. He sometimes performs some light work for which he receives some Compensation, but at present is principally supported by his Children who labor for their Support. If he was not helped by his Children, he would in some Measure be Chargeable to the Tribe, who support all their own Poor.

John Harry’s wife, who is Mother of their Children holds land that is descended to her, which, if she should die, would by our Usages & Customs descend immediately to his Children. This Land, according to our Customs and with the Approbation of the Council, she lets out for her own Support. He has no control over it. 

 I further testify that her Land, except about 2 acres has lately been leased out by Approbation of the Council for seven years to enable her to have a small house erected on that 2 acres for the Residence of herself & family, and that all the Rents for said seven years appropriated to that purpose. The Council considered it necessary as John Harry, his wife & family were destitute of a house.

 Both John Harry and his Wife have nothing but their Labor to depend on for Support. She cannot receive anything from her Land until the expiration of her lease, which will not happen for six years to come, or not till, about that time. And if in the Mean time, John Harry’s wife should be sick, or become Lame, or unable to work, I know of nothing that would prevent her from becoming chargeable to the Tribe, at least until the expiration of the lease before mentioned.

 The house & 2 acre Lot I expect John & his wife now occupy; and believe it would not rent for more than ten dollars a year[vi]”. John Harry eventually received a pension of $8.00 per month on November 8, 1820[vii].

 For widows of veterans with little documentary evidence, the ordeal was even more difficult. 

Such was the case for Narragansett Bridget George, widow of John George who had enlisted in 

Charlestown, Rhode Island in 1780 and served three years in the 1st, and consolidated Rhode Island regiment. John George had applied for a pension in 1818 and had been approved for a pension of $8.00 per month. He died just two years later, leaving his wife without any income. 

 She applied for assistance from the department of war some seventeen years after his death when Congress authorized funds for widows of pensioners. Now age 79, Bridget could neither read or write, and her infirmities prevented her from attending a hearing. She was then assisted by Israel Chapman, Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, in submitting her deposition in 1837.

Her deposition is interesting reading, for while Justice Chapman seems to faithfully record her remarks, he also clearly implies that her memory might be faulty. What is one to make for instance of the following wording when recording that her husband “had then & afterwards” served  “for the duration and the then remaining period of the war, or for the period of three years, which of those periods she cannot now be certain[viii]”.

 John George had gone with the 1stRhode Island regiment to New York, and was captured in the surprise attack at the Croton River in May 1781. Chapman recorded her recollection that

“When Col Greene was Killed the said John, if she rightly remembers, was taken prisoner by the enemy, at what particular place she cannot remember & after a considerable time, the length of which she cannot remember, a prisoner; he was restored to the American Army and the time for which he had enlisted, either under Col. Olney or Col. Angell…the Captain’s name under whom the said John served, if he told her, she does not recollect.[ix]

 Moreover, Chapman informed the department “She has no evidence of the said John’s service with her claim for a pension” He also stated that the claimant “declares that she was married to the said John George in July of 1776, but the day of the month on which she was married she cannot remember[x]”, and while she recalled that they were married by Peleg Cross, a Justice of the Peace, “she has no certificate of said marriage, nor does the declarant even have (the said John’s) death certificate.[xi]

 Attempts to find her marriage certificate turned up empty, no record seems to have been filed, or it was lost. Nonetheless, she was confident that records found in the War department would find her to be truthful. Though it may seem her claim was deeply flawed,  in a postscript, her recorder indicates that he has known her for some time, and believes her entitled to a hearing. Chapman also seems to have reached out to others for testimony, and the town clerk wrote in her defense that while he could not find a record of her marriage,

 “I believe many marriages take place in the said town of Charlestown which are not recorded and for many years past taken place that were not Recorded or lodged for record…[xii]

 Narragansett women also came to her defense. Susan Henry wrote that she was well acquainted with the couple and had attended their wedding at the house of Moses Skesuck, the brother of Bridget, and a former indigenous soldier of the revolution as well. Elizabeth Primus also provided written testimony affirming the same.

 Most importantly for authorities, former Major John Dexter also provided a written testimony in which he declared that John George did

 “…faithfully serve from the time of his inlistment in the Regiment…co-commanded by Col. Christopher Greene and Lieutenant Colonel Commandant Jeremiah Olney in the Rhode Island line in the Continental Establishment until the twenty-fifth day of December 1783 when he was honorably discharged in Saratoga, New York[xiii]”.

 

Bridget George received a payment of $560.00 issued on March 4, 1838, by which time she had reached eighty years of age.


[i]In my book Keepers of the Bay: A History of the Narragansett Tribe of Rhode Island, I trace the trajectory of 19thcentury historical narratives that portrayed the tribe in the past tense in the chapter entitled The Ghosting of A People. This belief often colored, so to speak the view of the tribe and their efforts to retain their identity. As early as 1836 when Governor John Brown Francis was invited to a Pow-Wow, his hastily written memo to an aide reads “What’s this about a Pow-Wow? I thought they were all negroes now…”

[ii]Gardner’s name also appears as “George Utter Gardner/Gardiner” in several sources, but his name is spelled “George Rutter Gardner” in his record of marriage to Thankful Babcock in Hopkington town records.

[iii]Eric Grundset,  Forgotten Patriots pp. 214-215

[iv]NARA Revolutionary War Pension Files B.L. Wt. 619-100

[v]NARA M804 Revolutionary War Pension and Bounty-Land Warrant Application Files, roll 1206, p. 10

[vi]Ibid. p. 15

[vii]Ibid. p. 

[viii]NARA M804 Revolutionary War Pension and Bounty-Land Warrant Application Files, roll 1062, p. 4

[ix]Ibid. p. 5

[x]Ibid.

[xi]Ibid. p. 6

[xii]Ibid. p. 14

[xiii]Ibid. p. 13

Top: Letter of Martha Babcock, Bottom: Summary of payment to the widow of John Henry, Narragansett 1818